Never before has the public thirsted more for a no-holds barred street fight with capital. And never before has the electoral left been beaten so badly because of it.
Bernie Sanders' decision to finally pull the plug on his campaign should serve as a lesson for the dissident left. Bernie's second round gave him massively impressive fundraising numbers, name recognition and a much weaker opponent, yet the Democratic establishment thoroughly routed him by tapping into black racism, Jewish anti-fascism and upper middle class suburban fears of armed white populism and higher taxes.
Rather than doubling down on his white and male working class base, Bernie insulted his voters and let them know they were taken for granted. He fought -- indirectly -- for Elizabeth Warren's small but vocal base of "woke" college professors and urban gentry, the type of people overrepresented in digital media and on twitter who believe green austerity (climate change policy), queer and transgender "liberation," policing all the made up -isms and -phobias along with "microaggressions," and stripping borders and national identity take precedent over the 10s of millions struggling to get health care or a decent job.
The Democratic Socialists of America: Subversives and Traitors
The biggest beneficieries from Bernie's 2016 left-populism were the Democratic Socialists of America, who positioned themselves to grow exponentially in the aftermath of Bernie's surprisingly strong anti-capitalist protest candidacy.
The ideological father of the DSA, the Trotskyist turned Zionist neo-con Max Schachtman, supported the US in the Korean war and even backed the Bay of Pigs attack on Cuba. He was one of the biggest influences in the "democratic socialist" movement, mentoring the DSA's founder Michael Harrington, constantly looking to harness anti-capitalist sentiment and turn it into a liberal Democratic Party voting bloc until finally emigrating to illiberal, racial-exterminationist Israel in 1981.
Fast forward to today, and we see that the DSA was clearly directly involved in Bernie's new, awful and unpopular social platform. While Bernie has a long track record of voting against mass immigration and in favor of gun-rights (a reputation that helped win the white working class and rural vote in 2016), the DSA officially promotes open borders (as penned by a Jew named Stephanie Schwartz), "sex workers" (prostitution and human trafficking), abolishing the 2nd Amendment, forcing transgenderism on the unwilling public, white-to-black reparations (which Bernie refused to support), and other bourgeois neoliberal positions Joe Biden and Elizabeth Warren's donors not only themselves desire, but easily outflanked Bernie on.
While the DSA has a poor record on foreign policy (like supporting the CIA operations in Kurdistan or calling John Bolton a hero), it's not just potential infiltration from suspicious actors that is their problem. The DSA's class orientation is why they put working people's economic and cultural wishes on the back burner: urban gentry ("hipsters") and academics. Is it any wonder these anarchists and liberal types accuse "class reductionists" of being Nazis?
One example of a DSA outgrowth hurting Bernie-populism is wishy-washy fraud Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who holds a 13% national approval rating yet set the tone for much of his campaign. An example of her bizarre outlook was to demand Bernie stop campaigning on one of his few popular issues, Medicare for All (which was popular across the board until Democrats promised to provide it to illegal aliens as well) and instead go off the deep end on issues the new left is universally unpopular on (immigration, criminal justice, anti-family, etc).
AOC exploited Bernie's platform to give speeches, sometimes taking positions contradictory to Bernie, on "queer liberation," abolishing ICE, and sometimes would not mention Bernie at all at rallies held in his name. At the same time, she discouraged Bernie's supporters from attacking the highly vulnerable yet just-destructive-enough Warren, while promising to support Biden.
Sean McElwee, the "Grover Norquist of the left," is or was a member of the Upper Manhattan wing of the DSA. McElwee impressed his fellow elites in Upper Manhattan by being the first to come up with the idea of abolishing ICE, an idea that voters in both parties find ridiculous. McElwee today has become a Biden consultant, and has been attempting to astroturf left-wing excitement for the senile candidate, only to be laughed at.
There are many other examples of DSA figures turning Bernie populism into a neoliberal freak show and discouraging a two-fisted approach when it was vital to knock Warren out early. The two most important publications on the Bernie left -- The Jacobin and Current Affairs -- saw their editors Bhaskar Sunkara and Nathan Robinson demanding their supporters respect a "truce" between Warren and Bernie -- an "alliance" Warren and her donors never signed up to.
There were a few leftists who contradicted this message, like Aimee Terese, but she was dismissed as a "NazBol" and then mass reported off twitter by "Antifa." DSA operatives Robinson and Sunkara have now changed their mind about Warren, but it's too little, too late.
White Workers Done Voting for Candidates Who Hate Them
Dan McLaughlin, a figure mocked incessantly by the "dirtbag left," has gotten his revenge by penning an autopsy focused on the exodus by white workers from the Bernie voting bloc and how it cost him important victories in round 2. It hurts, because deep down inside the Bernie Bros know its true, but are too afraid of getting MeTooed or accused of racism by the anarchists, radlibs and Jewish digital media journalists they've allowed into their tent.
Bernie Sanders has, since losing to Hillary Clinton in 2016, condemned his own "Bernie Bros" (a racist term invented by the Jew Robinson Meyer specifically aimed at his white and male supporters) and took the low-hanging fruit of racially demonizing white people, less than the other candidates, but just enough to matter.
As with Jeremy Corbyn's relationship with Ash Sarkar, the Bernie campaign's embrace of cartoonish anti-white demagogues like AOC or Wall Street lawyer Sara Rao got a logical reaction: if you hate white people, even whites who agree with your economic platform won't vote for you.
Corbyn was able to corral some wealthy urban white women with his hamfisted anti-white identitarian appeals, but Bernie didn't even do that. The true "woke" candidate was Warren, and she got the affluent feminist nutcase vote.
Last but not least, Bernie Sanders has paid lip service to hoaxes like Russiagate. He has shown a degree of fear when it comes to pushing back against the bullshit narratives "ex"-CIA contributors feed soccer moms on MSNBC, and the weapon he refused to neutralize ala Trump was then used to besmirch his reputation.
All in all, Bernie's plan to release criminals from prison, open borders + free health care and college for illegals, and other liberal maximalist aims made him indistinguishable from a neo-liberal, or even a libertarian, in ends even if not always in means.
At the end of the day, the electoral left has failed to capitalize on rising anti-capitalist and anti-elite sentiment because cultural liberalism (DSA and the Democrats) is just as closely associated with said elites as economic liberalism (GOP).
This time around, white workers perceived Bernie Sanders, his entourage, and the Democrats as enemies of their racial and class interests, and reminded Bernie 2020 who the majority still is in this country.
The left has been thrown out of power and made electorally irrelevant up and down in their historic stranglehold of Europe (except in cases where they take up the anti-immigration cause, like Denmark) and now in America.
We are living in a historic moment. We must reject conservatism and the Hillary Clinton communists to combine nationalism with socialism, as has always been the true heritage of white populism. It's time to finally give the people what they are clamoring for: a full frontal confrontation with capital and the globalism it has imposed against popular will.